Jack Kerouac, Avenue A across from Tompkins Park New York, his handsome face looking into barroom door – this is the best profile of his intellgence as I saw it sacred, time of Subterraneans writing [1953]
I think that for me the most frustrating part is just seeing people's ignorance, you see that in the small cities of Sweden, they are very hostile and angry about immigration, for instance. It is embarassing to me. I like to think that we should be better than that, we should be more than that. [...] At least everyone I've ever met out of our fans has always been like super open, like super intelligent, cool and respectful.
The tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the "state of emergency" in which we live is not the exception but the rule. We must attain to a conception of history that is in keeping with this insight. Then we shall clearly realize that it is our task to bring about a real state of emergency, and this will improve our position in the struggle against Fascism. One reason why Fascism has a chance is that in the name of progress its opponents treat it as a historical norm. The current amazement that the things we are experiencing are "still" possible in the twentieth century is not philosophical. This amazement is not the beginning of knowledge-unless it is the knowledge that the view of history which gives rise to it is untenable.
Excerpt from "Theses on the Philosophy of History", transl. Harry Zohn, in Walter Benjamin, Illuminations, Hanna Arendt (ed.), New York: Schocken Books, 2007, p. 257
The increasing proletarianization of modern man and the increasing formation of masses are two sides of the same process. Fascism attempts to organize the newly proletarianized masses while leaving intact the property relations which they strive to abolish. It sees its salvation in granting expression to the masses-but on no account granting them rights. The masses have a right to changed property relations; fascism seeks to give them expression in keeping these relations unchanged. The logical outcome of fascism is an aestheticizing of political life. [...]
All efforts to aestheticize politics culminate in one point. That one point is war. War, and only war, makes it possible to set a goal for mass movements on the grandest scale while preserving traditional property relations. That is how the situation presents itself in political terms.
[...]
[The] self-alienation [of humankind] has reached the point where it can experience its own annihilation as a supreme aesthetic pleasure. Such is the aestheticizing of politics, as practiced by fascism. Communism replies by politicizing art.
Excerpt from 'The Work of Art in the Age of its Technological Reproducability: Second Version,' transl. Edmund Jephcott and Harry Zohl, in Walter Benjamin, The Work of Art in the Age of its Technological Reproducability and Other Writings on Media, Michael W. Jennings, Brigid Doherty and Thomas Y. Levin (eds.), Cambridge, Mass.: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2008, pp. 41-42
Cease this long, long rest Wake and risk a foul weakness to live When it all breaks down Watch the smoke and bury the past again Sit and think what will come
Mr. FOX: [To the WOLF]: Where'd you come from? What are you doing here?
[Pause.]
Mr. FOX [Pointing at the WOLF]: Canis lupus! [Pointing at himself]: Vulpes Vulpes!
[Pause.]
Mr. FOX: I don't think he speaks English or Latin. [To the WOLF]: Pensez-vous que l'hiver sera rude? [To KYLIE, ASH and KRISTOFFERSON]: I'm asking if he thinks we're in for a hard winter.
[Pause.]
Mr. FOX: He doesn't seem to know. [To the WOLF]:I have a phobia of wolves!
[Pause. Mr. FOX raises his paw. The WOLF raises his paw in return.]
Mr. FOX: What a beautiful creature. Wish him luck, boys.