Thursday, 27 June 2013

Protests in Brazil, neoliberalism & the World Cup

Photograph: Evaristo Sa/AFP/Getty [globalpost.com]

Neoliberalism at its core is about the transfer of wealth out of the public social safety net and into the hands of private capital. As anyone who has ever had to rely on public services – little things like schools or hospitals -  would understand, this agenda is wildly unpopular with much of the world. But the IMF wants it. The World Bank wants it. Local elites want it. And international capital wants it. So how do they make it happen? One way is to unleash the police and simply smash institutions of popular economic self-defense such as trade unions, general assemblies and social movements. But that approach carries an attendant risk. As we’ve seen in Turkey, Brazil, and even New York City in the early days of the Occupy movement, police repression can make demonstrations seem sympathetic and even wildly attractive to people who are fed up but have no outlet for their frustration.

The Olympics, World Cup, and other kinds of mega-events have over the last 30 years provided something that couldn’t be found at the end of a military-grade truncheon: consent of the masses to neoliberal policy goals. That’s why these events are best understood as “neoliberal Trojan Horses.” [...]

The countries change but the scenario stays the same: a profit orgy and tax haven for both corporate sponsors and private security firms; obscene public spending on new stadiums, and then brutal cuts that fall on the backs of the poor when the party's over and the hangover begins. But in Brazil, they’re not waiting for any hangover after the cameras are gone and the confetti has been swept away.

The mass actions of the last two weeks have exposed all the neoliberal theft rooted in the planning and execution of the World Cup. A prominent slogan in the streets is, “We need FIFA-quality hospitals and schools.” This is a direct reference to a line from the World Cup planning committee that repeated ad nauseum, “We need FIFA-quality stadiums.” The people have taken the neoliberal priorities of the international athletic complex and turned them on their head [...].

[...]

[T]he overwhelming mass of people are actually in the streets because they want basic economic justice in a country where it's promised but most are left at the mercy of the market. 




 


See also:







Banners read 'Sao Paulo is not alone, we're together' and 'Rebel against the increase in transportation'
Photograph: Paulo Santos/Reuters [theatlantic.com]

Photograph: Ueslei Marcelino/Reuters [theatlanticcities.com]

 Photograph: Tasso Marcelo/AFP/Getty [theguardian.co.uk]

Sunday, 23 June 2013

#OccupyGezi: resistance and the mass media

Photograph: Uriel Sinai/Getty [theatlantic.com]

Tencere Tava Havası (Sound of Pots and Pans) is a street performance by Kardeş Türküler (Songs of Fraternity), a culturally diverse project based in Istanbul's Boğaziçi University. It is a critical response to Prime Minister Erdoğan's offensive comments on the protests, as the latter included the banging of pots and pans. The video also displays images of the protests, as well as shots of penguins yes, penguins. These lovely creatures were the subject of a documentary that CNN Turk broadcasted instead of covering the demonstrations. This is characteristic of the mainstream Turkish media's failure to provide coverage of the mass wave of protest in the country; and the reason is related to Turkey's poor record in what concerns freedom of the press, as well as to the political economy of the media. As Kerem Oktem argued in The Guardian:

The answer lies in the ownership structure of the main media companies and government interference with editorial policy. All major media groups in Turkey are now part of larger corporations with diversified interests ranging from banking to the hospitality sector. They depend on government contracts and are therefore under pressure to make amends. 

In this respect, it should not come as a surprise that the Turkish Prime Minister has called social media "the worst menace to society". Apparently, however, such statements by authoritarian institutional figures can only be seen as compliments to an ever-growing international and participatory communication ecosystem.


 More on #OccupyGezi and the Turkish protests:


Monday, 17 June 2013

Democracy and the media: international protest against the closure of Greek public broadcaster


No signal: a little bit after 23.00 on Tuesday 11.06.2013


When the microphone of a journalist is cut off, it’s like the voice of democracy being silenced. This has just been brutally done to 1,300 journalists – brutally in all senses because the Greek government has sent in the police to cut off a broadcaster and stop journalists from doing their job. [...] The idea of cutting the signal and sending screens black is the very worst kind of censorship. It’s a violent assault on democratic debate which is not acceptable.



It will be a major blow to democracy, to media pluralism and to journalism as a public good in Greece.


 
The break down of the public media in Greece is a barbaric act that has been inflicted on journalists and media workers as part of an increasingly vicious austerity programme. [...] We are not prepared to pay for the economic crisis we did not create. The decision of the state to close down ERT must be reversed. It is an appalling attack on the media and on Greek democracy




 Online petitions:




IPI German National Committee protests closure of Greek public broadcaster
International Press Institute

SEEMO/IPI deeply concerned over closure of Greek state broadcaster
International Press Institute

UNI General Secretary calls on Greek PM to reverse closure of ERT
UNI  Global Union

 50+ Directors General of public media demand ert to be restored to air
Eurovision


  International coverage:

Council of Europe condemns Greek state TV closure
Associated Press via Yahoo News
 
Lisa O'Carroll, The Guardian

ERT shutdown: EBU urges EU leader to overturn Greek government decision
Lisa O'Carroll, The Guardian

ERT closure: silencing of broadcaster shocks Greece
Giorgos Christides, BBC News

Killing the messenger: Greek government shuts down the state broadcaster
Maria Margaronis, The Nation

News finds new ways to float as Greek state  broadcaster is shut
Liz Alderman & Niki Kitsantonis, The New York Times

Greek ERT journalists defy order to cease programs
Deutsche Welle
  

ERT websites (in Greek):

ERT Open  ERTSocial Facebook  |  Twitter  |  YouTube  
ERT3Social Twitter  |  YouTube 


Online streaming of ERT's signal:

European Broadcasting Union
  
Full list of webpages and frequences

Friday, 14 June 2013

Neoliberalism and the politics of the crisis

[lwbooks.co.uk] 

For three decades, the neoliberal system has been generating vast profits for multi-nationals, investment institutions and venture capitalists, and huge accumulations of wealth for the new global super-rich, while grossly increasing the gap between rich and poor and deepening inequalities of income, health and life chances within and between countries, on a scale not seen since before the second world war. In North America and Western Europe – hitherto dynamos of the global economic system – rates of growth are now lower than during the early post-war decades, when there was a more even balance of power between the social classes. There has been a steep decline in manufacturing and a hot-house expansion of financial services and the service economy; and a massive shift of power and resources from public to private, from state to market. ‘The market’ has become the model of social relations, exchange value the only value. Western governments have shown themselves weak and indecisive in responding to the environmental crisis, climate change and the threat to sustainable life on the planet, and have refused to address the issues in other than their own – market – terms.

Likewise, the financial crisis has been used by many Western governments as a means of further entrenching the neoliberal model. They have adopted swingeing ‘austerity measures’ which, they claim, is the only way of reducing the deficits generated during the bonanza period of the 1980s and 1990s. They have launched an assault on the incomes, living standards and conditions of life of the less well-off members of society. In the UK, the cuts programme has frozen incomes, capped benefits, savaged public sector employment and undermined local government. It has encouraged private capital to hollow-out the welfare state and dismantle the structures of health, welfare and education services. The burden of ‘solving’ the crisis has been disproportionately off-loaded on to working people, targeting vulnerable, marginalised groups. These include low-income, single-parent families; children in poverty; women juggling part-time employment with multiple domestic responsibilities; pensioners, the disabled and the mentally ill; welfare-benefits and low-cost public housing ‘dependants’; the young unemployed (especially black youth); and students. Youth facilities have been closed; and citizens who depend on public amenities for their social well-being find themselves bereft. Apart from its punitive and regressive social effects, this is a strategy destined to fail even in its own terms, since its main consequence will be a serious fall in demand and a collapse of tax revenues, deepening the downward economic spiral, with little fall in the deficit.

In other words, the crisis itself has been used to reinforce the redistribution from poor to rich. Moreover, it has also provided the alibi for a far-reaching further restructuring of state and society along market lines, with a raft of ideologically-driven ‘reforms’ designed to advance privatisation and marketisation. It has encouraged private, individualised solutions to social problems. This makes it all the more important for the left to make the argument that it is time for a new moral and economic settlement.

The above text is an excerpt from After neoliberalism: analysing the present (pp. 3-5) by Stuart Hall, Doreen Massey and Michael Rustin, the first chapter and framing statement of their edited book After Neoliberalism? The Kilburm Manifesto which is published by Soundings: A journal of politics and culture

Sunday, 9 June 2013

Protests in Turkey: resistance and solidarity

Click on the image to enlarge  [occupywallst.org]

8-9 June – Call for International Solidarity with #OccupyGezi

Calling on people of all cities of the world! Come out this weekend and reclaim your public spaces to show solidarity with #OccupyGezi and the many waves of protests in Turkey!

What began as a small occupation to protect Istanbul’s Gezi Park erupted within a matter of days into massive protests that spread like wildfire across Turkey. A key trigger was the disproportionate use of force by the police. Just as Gezi Park crystallized the struggle over an ever-shrinking public space hijacked by neoliberal authoritarianism, the pepper gas that security forces doused on Istanbul literalized the desparate need for breathing space. Hundreds of thousands of people streamed into the streets in support of the Gezi Park occupation despite a total media blackout, defying police brutality. Now we have reclaimed not only Gezi Park but also Taksim Square, the very heart of Turkey’s public sphere, where mass expressions of discontent have repeatedly been banned throughout the republic’s history. As Taksim and Gezi swell every night with thousands of people who come to celebrate their solidarity, victory and power, our resistance in other parts of Istanbul and other cities across Turkey continues. Of one thing we are certain: Nothing will ever be the same again.

Show your support and solidarity this weekend, 8-9 June 2013. Reclaim Tahrir, Syntagma, Zuccotti, your local streets, squares and parks! Trust us, they belong to you.





#occupygezi 

#DirenGeziParki 

#occupygezi (pictures)

#occupygezi (twitter hashtag)

 What is happening in Istanbul?


Picture by Fatih Kece/AFP/Getty    [telegraph.co.uk]


Occupy Gezi: international solidarity for Turkey's uprising
Allison Kilkenny, The Nation

Occupy Gezi: police against protesters in Istanbul
Elif Batuman, The New Yorker

People have killed their fear of authority - and the protests are growing
Ece Temelcuran, New Statesman

The voices of Turkish protesters have been heard
Binnaz Saktanber, The Guardian

Memories of a public square
Orhan Pamuk, The New Yorker

US philosopher Chomsky supports Gezi Park movement with video message
Hurriyet Daily News



Photograph by Osman Orsal/Reuters [guardian.co.uk]

Thursday, 6 June 2013

Not to speak in the language of the existing order


One of the main achievements of the Occupy movement has been the opening up of new spaces of transformation, resistance and revolution, breaking the claustrophobic confines of the geography of global capital. The movement itself breaks the boundaries of accepted political terminology, opting to trouble the reigning order by speaking from a position outside of the official political discourse. From the perspective of the ruling ideology, the Occupy movement appears to lack focus and organization since it does not propose any set of ‘demands’ – that is, in the language adopted by the everyday. The point, though, is not to speak in the language of the existing order, but to change the co-ordinates of the existing order so that what appears as irrational and traumatic from its own perspective becomes, itself, the structuring principle upon which the conditions of possibility for a new politics may be given form.